"Black Lives Matters" terrorist group began with the lie of "hands up" and has been embraced by Barak Obama as it fits the narrative he has long espoused. Here is a statement of his to follow for consideration.
Beginning shortly after he was elected, he targeted a Boston police officer, rushing to judgement before knowing the facts, for "harassing" a black teacher. In the shooting of an armed felon and child molester, Obama called for no patience or calm.
How selective is his patience?
When the Orlando Islamic terror killer called 911 and said he was a soldier of ISIS and was obedient to the Islamic call to kill the infidel, Obama asked us to wait because "we don't know the motives yet", emphasizing "motives", plural. The press went on to avoid the ideology of Islam, instead targeting "right wing" Christians, as well as guns, themselves. Since 2008, he has continually demonized police and order, itself. Even when a suspect confesses his motive, Obama knows otherwise.
Recently sharia compliant headlines from main stream media of "Trucks kill people in France", met by comments such as "planes attack Pearl Harbor" and "we must outlaw trucks so only outlaws have trucks" used ridicule to make the point. No event is beyond politicizing, including police funerals. None of the slain officers was a "son" to Obama.
When Obama spoke at Dallas where officers were slaughtered by Black Lives Matters, he condemned the killing while using unnecessary additional language to justify the killing.
The statistics across America show that blacks kill blacks in numbers such that more than 98% of murders of blacks occur at the hands of blacks; not police. Police make up .04% of the killing of blacks, with investigation after investigation showing a response to a threat justifying the shooting. Statement Analysis of "hands up" claim showed the officer in Ferguson was truthful in his account; although Obama ordered 40 federal investigators to find otherwise. The officer was saved by not only the truth he spoke, but of the many black witnesses who testified that there was no "hands up; don't shoot" and the officer fired in self defense.
Yesterday, he made this statement.
"There are legitimate issues that have been raised, and there’s data and evidence to back up the concerns that are being expressed by these protesters.
"And if police organizations and departments acknowledge that there’s a problem and there’s an issue, then that, too, is going to contribute to real solutions. And, as I said yesterday, that is what’s going to ultimately help make the job of being a cop a lot safer. It is in the interest of police officersthat their communities trust them and that the kind of rancor and suspicion that exists right now is alleviated."
To warn or caution police is victim blaming. It is akin to a conviction and as foolish as blaming a rape victim's clothing. Yet, it is even more lethal in context.
Here is an article from the Wall Street Journal on the "data and evidence" statement:
But what if the Black Lives Matter movement is based on fiction? Not just the fictional account of the 2014 police shooting of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Mo., but the utter misrepresentation of police shootings generally.
To judge from Black Lives Matter protesters and their media and political allies, you would think that killer cops pose the biggest threat to young black men today. But this perception, like almost everything else that many people think they know about fatal police shootings, is wrong.
The Washington Post has been gathering data on fatal police shootings over the past year and a half to correct acknowledged deficiencies in federal tallies. The emerging data should open many eyes.
For starters, fatal police shootings make up a much larger proportion of white and Hispanic homicide deaths than black homicide deaths. According to the Post database, in 2015 officers killed 662 whites and Hispanics, and 258 blacks. (The overwhelming majority of all those police-shooting victims were attacking the officer, often with a gun.) Using the 2014 homicide numbers as an approximation of 2015’s, those 662 white and Hispanic victims of police shootings would make up 12% of all white and Hispanic homicide deaths. That is three times the proportion of black deaths that result from police shootings.
The lower proportion of black deaths due to police shootings can be attributed to the lamentable black-on-black homicide rate. There were 6,095 black homicide deaths in 2014—the most recent year for which such data are available—compared with 5,397 homicide deaths for whites and Hispanics combined. Almost all of those black homicide victims had black killers.
Police officers—of all races—are also disproportionately endangered by black assailants. Over the past decade, according to FBI data, 40% of cop killers have been black. Officers are killed by blacks at a rate 2.5 times higher than the rate at which blacks are killed by police.
Some may find evidence of police bias in the fact that blacks make up 26% of the police-shooting victims, compared with their 13% representation in the national population. But as residents of poor black neighborhoods know too well, violent crimes are disproportionately committed by blacks. According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, blacks were charged with 62% of all robberies, 57% of murders and 45% of assaults in the 75 largest U.S. counties in 2009, though they made up roughly 15% of the population there.
Such a concentration of criminal violence in minority communities means that officers will be disproportionately confronting armed and often resisting suspects in those communities, raising officers’ own risk of using lethal force.
The Black Lives Matter movement claims that white officers are especially prone to shooting innocent blacks due to racial bias, but this too is a myth. A March 2015 Justice Department report on the Philadelphia Police Department found that black and Hispanic officers were much more likely than white officers to shoot blacks based on “threat misperception”—that is, the mistaken belief that a civilian is armed.
A 2015 study by University of Pennsylvania criminologist Greg Ridgeway, formerly acting director of the National Institute of Justice, found that, at a crime scene where gunfire is involved, black officers in the New York City Police Department were 3.3 times more likely to discharge their weapons than other officers at the scene.
The Black Lives Matter movement has been stunningly successful in changing the subject from the realities of violent crime. The world knows the name of Michael Brown but not Tyshawn Lee, a 9-year-old black child lured into an alley and killed by gang members in Chicago last fall. Tyshawn was one of dozens of black children gunned down in America last year. The Baltimore Sun reported on Jan. 1: “Blood was shed in Baltimore at an unprecedented pace in 2015, with mostly young, black men shot to death in a near-daily crush of violence.”
Those were black lives that mattered, and it is a scandal that outrage is heaped less on the dysfunctional culture that produces so many victims than on the police officers who try to protect them.